The earliest published reports about Korea: Richard Hakluyt and before

See Cheong Sung Hwa: A Study of 16th century Western Books on Korea: The Birth of an Image

The earliest known (probable) Western reference to Korea (where it is thought that
Solanga = North Korea and Muc = Southern Korea) is found in The iournal of frier William de Rubruquis a French man of the order of the minorite friers, vnto the East parts of the worlde. An. Dom. 1253   It was published by Hakluyt in Volume 1 of his revised Principall Navigations (1598), the Latin text from p.71, English from page 93 (image 121 of the LOC version)

Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga, whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court. And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them, euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen. They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards. Also they haue lackets, like vnto the vpper resemble the vestment of a deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter. And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops. But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part : neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe : but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the sunne beames, like vnto a glasse, or an helmet well burnished. And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters, which houer in the wind, as if two long homes grewe out of their heads. And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much, they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another : and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads. Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length, and a handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto other great personage, hee alwayes beheld that table, as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake : neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the lefte, nor vpon his face, with whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his lord, he looketh no where but only vpon his table. Beyond the (as I vnderstand of a certainty) there are other people called Muc, hauing villages, but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe. Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droues of cattell in their countrey, & no man appointed to keepe them. But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill, and there maketh a shout, and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse, come flocking about him, and suffer themselues to be handled and taken, as if they were tame. And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie, they shut him vp into an house, ministring there things necessary vnto him, vntill his businesse be dispatched. For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie, the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him, and would become wilde.

Marco Polo's Travels include a reference to a region called "Cauly" or "Kauli" which is thought to be Korea.

References to and information about Korea (soon to be translated into English by Hakluyt) were contained in passing in letters written by the Jesuits stationed in Japan, including:

(In Italian) Copia di due lettere annue scritte dal Giapone del 1589. & 1590. L’una dal P. Vice Provinciale al P. Alessandro Valignano, Paltra dal P. Luigi Frois al P. Generale della Compagnia di Giesu. Et della Spagnuola nella Italiana lingua tradotte dal P. Gasparo Spitilli della Compagnia medesima. pp.125.    Rome. 1593

(In French) Lettre du Japon des annees 1591. et 1592. Escrite au R.P. General de la Compagnie de Iesus. Et tournee d’Espagnol en Italien par le P. Ubaldino Bartolini de la mesme Compagnie; et maintenant en nostre langue vulgaire sur l’exemplaire imprime a Rome par Louys Zanetti 1595...   Douay. 1595 Digital edition included in: University of Waterloo: La série des lettres du Japon : éditions publiées en français de 1571 à 1640

(In Italian) Copia di due lettere scritte dal P. Organtino Bresciano della Compagnia di Giesu dal Meaco del Giapone. al molto R. in Christo P.N. il Claudio Acquaviva Preposito Generale. Tradotte dal P. Gio Battista Peruschi Romano della medesima Compagnia. pp. Rome.1597

(In Spanish) : P. Luis de Guzman. Historia de las missiones que han hecho los religiosos de la Compania de Iesus, para predicar el sancto Evangelio en la India Oriental, y en los Reynos de la China y Iapon... 2 vols. Alcala. 1601
Volume 1.   On the invasion of Korea by the Japanese a major account is found starting on 
Volume 2, Book 12, Chapter 14 page 501 No English translation of this work seems to have been published.

One of the West's earliest printed accounts of China was Historia de las cosas más notables, ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China by Juan González de Mendoza (c. 1540 – 1617), first published in 1585. This remained an important source until Ricci's account De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas suscepta ab Societate Jesu was published in 1615 etc.

Richard Hakluyt (1552-1616) was an avid collector of Spanish and Portuguese maritime materials and, using Ramusio's Navigationi et Viaggi (Volume 1, Volume 2, Volume 3) as a model, he published the first edition of his Principal Navigations in 1589. This single volume book mainly dealt with English navigational records. In 1589, Hakluyt sponsored Robert Park's translation and publication of Mendoza's Historia: The history of the great and mighty kingdom of China and the situation thereof. Subsequently in 1595, Hakluyt first introduced Linschoten's Voyages to English publishers and supported William Phillip's English translation of the work from the Dutch original. This particular work provided the English public with the first detailed information on Korea. In 1601, Hakluyt himself translated Antonio Galvao's The Discoveries of the World.  In 1598, Hakluyt published the first volume of the second edition of The Principal Navigations. Volume 2 followed in 1599, and volume 3 in 1600. A complete modern edition was published in Glasgow in 1904 in 12 volumes, the descriptions of Korea are in Volume 11 of this edition. Online images of Vols 1-2 in Library of Congress ; Vol 3 in Library of Congress 

Hakluyt, Richard, 1552?-1616   The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques & discoveries of the English nation, made by sea or over-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within the compass of these 1600 yeeres. London, Imprinted by G. Bishop, R. Newberie and R. Barker, 1598-1600

The following text can be found in Volume 3 of the Library of Congress images, from page 854

Concerning the mighty kingdom of Coray, tributary to the king of China, and borthering upon his Northeast frontiers, called by the Portugales Coria, and by them esteemed at the first an iland, but since found to adjoyne with the maine not many dayes journey from Paqui the metropolitan citie of China. The more perfect discovery whereof and of the coast of Tartaria Northward, may in time bring great light (if not full certaintie) either of a Northwest or a Northeast passage from Europe to those rich countries. Collected out of the Portugale Jesuites yeerely Japonian Epistles dated 1590, 1591, 1592, 1594, &c.

The first testimony containing a resolute determination of Quabacondono [= Hideyoshi] the great Monarch of all Japan, to invade and conquere China by the way of Coray, being a country divided from the Iles of Japan onely by an arme of the sea about twentie leagues broad, and abounding with victuals and all other necessaries for the maintenance of the warres. Out of the Epistles of father Frier Lewis Frois, dated 1590. [Cheong Sung Hwa: basically a translated excerpt from Frois's annual letter of 1590]

Quabacondono having subdued all the petie kingdomes of Japan, in the yeere of our Lord 1590 (as father Frier Lewis Frois writeth in his Japonian Epistles of the foresaid yeere) grew so proud and insolent that he seemed another Lucifer; so farre foorth, that he made a solemne vow and othe, that he would passe the sea in his owne person to conquere China : and for this purpose hee made great preparations, saying, that since hee is become Lorde of all Japan, he hath nothing now to doe but to conquere China, and that although he should end his life in that enterprize, he is not to give over the same. For he hopeth to leave behinde him hereby so great fame, glorie, and renowne, as none may be comparable thereunto. And though hee could not conquere the same, and should ende his life in the action, yet should he alwayes remaine immortall with this glory. And if God doth not cut him off, it is thought verily, that hee will throughly attempt the same. And for his more secure passage thither, he is determined to leave behinde him two Governours (after his maner) in the parts of Miaco with the administration of Finqua ; and of those of his Monarchie he saith that he will take with him all the great Japonish Lords, or at the least all his principall subjects, and leave in his dominions such guard and garisons as shall seeme best unto him. And so having passed the winter, he meaneth to come to these partes of Ximo, for from hence he is to set forth his armie, & to passe to the land of Coray, which the Portugales call Coria, being devided from Japan with an arme of the sea. And although the Portugales in times past thought, that it was an Ile or Peninsula, yet is it firme lande, which joyneth unto the kingdome of Paqui. And he hath now stricken such a terror with his name in the countrey of Coray, that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to yeelde unto him a kind of homage, as he required ; which ambassadors are now in the city of Miaco. And by this Peninsula of Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney unto the citie or Paqui, being the principall citie where the king of China hath his residence. And as the Chinians be weake, and the people of Japan so valiant and feared of them, if God doth not cut him off in this expedition, it may fall out according to his expectation.
                [III. page 855] But whatsoever become of China, it is held for a certaintie, that his comming will cause great alterations in these partes of Ximo, especially in this kingdom of Figen, wherein are the princedomes of Arima and Omura, and all the force of our Christianity : and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before, that he would make him a great man in China, and that he would remoove these lordes, and deliver their governments unto lordes that were Gentiles ; which would be the ruine of all this Christianitie ; neither should we have any place wherein to remaine. For, as it is the custome of Japan in the alterations of estates and kingdomes (which they call Cuningaia) to remoove all the nobilitie and gentry, and to leave onely the base people and labourers, committing them to the government of Ethnicks, wee shall hereby also leese our houses, and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lords ; whom sometimes he handleth in such sort, that he giveth them nothing to susteine themselves, and so they remaine with all their followers, as men banished, and utterly ruined.

The second Testimonie containing the huge levies and preparations of Quabacondono, as also his warres and conquests, and the successe thereof in the kingdome of Coray. Together with a description of the same kingdom, and of their trafficke and maner of government : and also of the shipping of China, Japan, and Coray, with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent, and other particulars very memorable. Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591, and 1592. [Cheong Sung Hwa: a compilation of translated excerpts from Frois's Annual Letters of 1591 and 1592, published in Rome in 1595]

About this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against China in execution, assembled sundry of his nobles and captaines, unto whom he declared his intent ; who, albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion, yet all of them without any pretense of difficulty approved his determination. For he had given out that he would not abstaine from this warre, although his owne sonne should rise from death to life and request him ; yea whosoever would moove any impediment or difficulty in that matter, hee would put him to death. Wherefore for certaine moneths there was nothing in all places to be seene, but provision of ships, armour, munition, and other necessaries for the warres. Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subjects, willed every one of them (not a man excepted) to accompany him in this expedition, injoyning and appointing to each one, what numbers they should bring. In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especiall favourites; whom (to all mens admiration) he will have to be heads over all these new kingdomes, notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then they. Of whom (by Gods good providence) two are Christians, to wit, Augustine Eucunocamindono governour of half the kingdom of Finga, & Cainocami the son of Quambioindono governour of the greater part of the kingdome of Bugen. The other two are Ethniques, namely Toranosuque governour of the halfe of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall enemie; and Iconocami governour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen, and an enemie both to Augustine and Cainocami. And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lordes of Teximo to follow Christian governours. Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers; & Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law, which lately became a Christian, with a thousand. Also he appointed that the governours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine, who albeit they were Gentiles, had many Christians to their subjects. Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers, besides mariners, slaves, and other base people to cary the baggage of the army, all which being as great a number as the former, so soone as they arrived in the kingdom of Coray, were made souldiers, and bore armes. Unto the said Augustine, Quabacondono, in token of singular favour, granted the first assault or invasion of the kingdom of Coray, to wit, that he onely with his forces might enter the same, the other lordes remaining in Ceuxima (which is 18 leagues distant from Coray) till they should bee advertized from Augustine : which thing procured unto Augustine great envie and disdaine from them all ; howbeit (as you shall forthwith understand) it prooved in the end most honourable unto him. The other Christian governour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23 yeeres, he commanded the king of Bungo to follow with 6000 souldiers ; so that with the 4000 which hee had before, his number amounted unto 10000, besides mariners and others which caried burthens. This was most joyful newes to us, and to all the Christians. Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the governour of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000 : and likewise the king of Sazeuma and Iconocami with as many. And amongst all he gave the first and chiefe place unto Augustine. All the other souldiers of Japan hee caused to accompanie his owne person : the number of all together (as appeared out of a written catalogue) amounting to three hundreth thousand persons : of whom two hundred thousand were souldiers.
                [III. page 856.] The order prescribed in this whole armie was, that first they should make their entrance by the kingdome of Coray, which is almost an island, one ende whereof joyneth upon the maine lande of China; which though it be a severall kingdome of it selfe, yet is it subject and tributarie unto the king of China. And because this kingdom of Coray is divided but by an arme of the sea from Japan, Quabacondono determined to subdue the same, for that it so aboundeth with victuals, that from thence he might the easier invade China. While all things were preparing, it was commanded, that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia, being twelve leagues distant from Firando, there should be erected a mightie great castle ; where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay, till newes were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 governours or captaines. Hee appointed also another castle to bee built in Fuchinoxima, which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and Ceuxima. And he built a third castle in Ceuxima, that his passage might be the more commodious. The charge of building these castles he imposed upon the 4 aforesaid governours, and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them ; all which so applyed that busines, that in 6 moneths space it was wholly finished. The castle of Nangoia was environed with a double wall of square and beautifull stone, with broad and deepe ditches like unto Miaco. The innermost wall being lesse then the other two was 100 fathom square, within the compasse whereof wer so many houses built both for the lordes, and their followers, and also for marchants shoppes, and victualers houses, distinguished with broad and direct streetes, that it seemed a faire towne. But (that which was much more admirable) all the way from Miaco to Nangoia, at the ende of every dayes journey, all the lords and governours, at the commandement of Quabacondono, built each one within his jurisdiction new and stately palaces from the ground, so that for 20 dayes together he lodged every night with all his traine in one of those palaces. And because these things were done at the very same time when the expedition into the kingdome of Coray was in hand, all Japan was so grievously oppressed (Quabacondono in the meane while being at no charges) as it was most intollerable. Yet is it incredible how ready every one is to do him service : which appeareth by these magnificent stately buildings reared up in so short a space, which in Europe would have required a long time and huge expences. In the meane season it was commonly given out, that this enterprize of Quabacondono would have most unfortunate successe, as being a matter wrought by constraint, and that it would be an occasion of manifold dissentions in Japan : for no man there was, but misliked of this warre : yea, all the lordes were in great hope, that some one man at length would step foorth and restore their libertie ; howbeit there is none as yet found, which dare put his hand to that businesse. Wherefore they were all (though to their great griefe and lamentation) violently constrained to prosecute the enterprize. But Quabacondono being voyde of all anxiety, to the ende hee might encourage his followers, boasted that hee would make great alterations of kingdomes, and would bestow upon them the kingdoms of Coray and China ; and unto the lord Protasius hee hath promised 3 kingdomes : but he with all the other lords giving him great thankes, had much rather retaine a smal portion of their estate in Japan, then to hunt after all those kingdomes which he promiseth.
                And whereas Quabacondono had by proclamation published, that he would personally be present at Nangoia the 3 moone of this yeere ; troups and armies of men began to resort from all the quarters of Japan to these parts. Now were our afflictions renewed. For so long as Quabacondono remained at Miaco, we might stay in these parts of Ximo without any danger : but after he began to come this way, it seemed impossible for our state to continue whole and sound, and we were put into no small perplexitie. For the Christian lordes advised us, that sithence Quabacondono was come so neere, all our companie that lived in the Colledge, in the house of Probation, and in the Seminary, should depart to some other place. And the Christians from Miaco writ dayly unto us, that wee shoulde pull downe our houses and Churches at Omura, Arima, and Cansaco, and that the fathers of Europe should return unto Nangasaque in the secular habite of Portugals, but that the Japonian Fryers should retire themselves unto several houses of Christians, that so they might al remaine safe and out of danger. But this remedy, as it was too grievous and subject to many difficulties, so did it afford us but small comfort. In brief the Father visitor talking of this matter with Eucunocamindono, the lord Protasius, and Omurandono, before their expedition toward the kingdom of Coray, found them, as before, in the same fortitude of minde, being constant in their first opinion : neither would they give any other counsel or direction, then that the fathers should keepe themselves secret, and should only forsake their houses at Arima, and Omura, wherein the Toni or great lordes would have some of their kinsemen remaine. It was also thought convenient, that the number of the Seminary should bee diminished, and that of 90 there should onely remaine 50 in our scholes, namely such as studied the Latine tongue. With the Father Visitour [III. 857.] there came unto Nangasaque certaine Fathers and Friers, which were said to be of Fungo and Firando. For the sayde Father under the name of a Legate might retaine them with him more openly.
                About this time Quabacondono, that hee might with some pastime recreate his Nobles which accompanied him ; and also might declare, with how great confidence and securitie of minde hee tooke upon him this expedition for China ; and likewise to obscure the most renowmed fame of a certaine hunting and hawking performed of olde by that mightie Prince Joritono, who was Emperour over all Japan ; hee determined to ordaine (as it were) another royall court of divers kindes of fowle. Whereupon beeing accompanied with many great lordes and others, hee departed to the kingdome of Oiaren, where his game had so good successe, that hee caught above 30000 fowles of all sortes ; amongst which were many falcons. Howbeit, for Quabacondono his greater recreation, and for the more solemnitie of the game, there were also added many dead fowles, which the Japonians with certaine poulders or compositions know how to preserve sweete in their feathers a long time. This game beeing ended, Quabain their condono returned with great pompe unto Miaco ; before whom went great multitudes which carried those thousandes of fowles upon guilded canes. Next after these followed many horsemen sumptuously attired, carying a great number of Falcons and other birdes. After them were lead many horses by the reines, most richly trapped. Next of all were brought Coscis or Littiers very stately adorned : after which was carryed Quabacondono himselfe in a Littier of another fashion, like unto those which in India are called Palanchins, which was made in China, with most curious and singular workemanship, and was presented unto him by the Father Visitour, and seemeth exceedingly to content him, for that in all actions of solemnitie hee useth the same. Last of all followed a great troope of Princes and Nobles bravely mounted on horsebacke, and gorgeously attired, thereby the more to delight Quabacondono, who in triumphant sort beeing welcomed by the way, with the shoute and applause of infinite swarmes of people, entred the citie of Miaco.
                Now when the time of sayling towardes China approched, Quabacondono determined first to proclayme his nephew Inangondono his successour, and governour of all Japan, to the ende hee might supply his owne roome in the time of this warre. And therefore he commanded the Dairi to transferre unto his sayd nephew the dignitie belonging to himselfe, calling him by the name of Taicusama, that is to say, Great lord. Which dignitie was in such sort translated, that albeit he assigned unto his nephew large revenues, together with that princely title, yet himselfe remained the very same that he was before. The day of the sayd translation being appointed, hee summoned all the Princes of Japan to appeare, and to sweare obedience unto this his nephew : Who with great pompe going unto the Dairi to receive that dignitie at his hande, had surrendred unto him the Castle of Miaco, and the palaces of Quabacondono to dwell in.
                Thus at the beginning of the third moone, he set forward on his journey to Nangoia, having before given order, that Augustine should passe over into the kingdome of Coray, and that his other Captaines should remayne in Ceuxima. Wherefore, the twentieth day of the third Moone hee came unto Nangoia, where the companies of the other lordes beeing numbered, were founde to bee 200000. persons, besides those that were conducted by the foure foresayde governours. In the meane season Augustine with his forces, and with a Fleete of eight hundred arrived at Coray. In whose armie the lord Protasius excelled all others ; for though hee had but the leading of 2000. souldiers, yet for the goodnesse of his armour, and the beautie of his ships, he was admired of all men. At their very first entrance they wonne 2. castles of the kingdome of Coray by maine force, wherein the Corayans reposed great confidence ; for they were environed with mighty high walles, and defended with great multitudes of souldiers, and with a kinde of gunnes of 2. spannes and ½. long, which in stead of bullets discharged with a terrible noise woodden arrowes headed with forked points of yron : but the sayd gunnes beeing able to hurt but a small distance off, and the Japonians being furnished with brazen ordinance unknowen unto the Corayans, they presently drave them from their walles, and with ladders made for the same purpose of great canes, they forthwith scaled the same, and planted their ensignes thereon ; the Corayans indeed for a short time making resistance, but after a while betaking themselves to dishonorable flight, 5000 men of their part being slaine, and of Augustines but 100. and 400. wounded. Augustine perceiving that the Corayans could not endure any long assault, determined to take upon himselfe, and his armie the whole burthen and honour of this warre, and not staying for the governours his associates, to march up into the heart of the kingdome, and to the principall City ; [III. 858.] unto which determination all the lordes that were with him gave their consent. This was (no doubt) a bolde, yea, and in some sort, a rash enterprise of Augustine : but yet it argueth a wise and valiant minde in him. But this long delay was so greevous to the Captaines which in Ceuxima expected the successe of the warre, that before they heard any newes at all concerning the surprize of the two Castles, they brought Augustine in suspition among their friends, that hee ambitiously affected the honour of the whole warre. Which thing beeing knowen unto Quabacondono, he was so troubled in mind even before he came to Nangoia, that suddenly hee commaunded the other Captaines to set sayle from Ceuxima. But when Quabacondono was come to Nangoia, and heard newes of the two Castles taken, and that Augustine pursuing the victorie proceeded on towards the Miaco, that is to say, The kingly citie of Coray, and was determined to invade the same also (all which Augustine himselfe wrote, and requested him to send the other captaines and commanders to assayle the kingdom on all sides, and to furnish the castles which he had taken and should take, with garisons of souldiers, because as yet he had not men enough to hold those fortresses which he had wonne) he was surprized with such unspeakable joy, as he affirmed openly, that in all Japan he had no subject comparable to Augustine : and that neither Nabunanga, nor himselfe ever knewe any man indued with so valiant and couragious a mind. I (saith he) knowing against whom and with what forces I waged warre, subdued by litle and litle all Japan unto me : but Augustine in so short a time and with so small forces, hath boldely set his foote in a forren region, and with most glorious victory hath subdued the mightie kingdome of Coray. Wherefore (quoth he) I will reward him with many kingdomes, and wil make him next unto my selfe the greatest Prince in all Japan. Hee added farther, that now his owne sonne seemed to bee risen from the death : and that whosoever durst either disgrace or extenuate the deedes of Augustine, he would grievously punish him, not respecting whether hee did it upon reason or malice. By this speach the name and report of Augustine grew so honourable amongst all men, that those which most envied his estate, durst not speake one ill worde of him, but highly commended him before Quabacondono.
                This kingdome of Coray extendeth in length about 100. and in bredth 60. leagues. And albeit the inhabitants in nation, language, and strength of body (which maketh the people of China to dread them) be different from the Chinians, yet because they pay tribute to the king of China, and exercise traffique with his subjects, they doe after a sort imitate the Lawes, apparell, customes, and governement of the Chinians. They border on one side upon the Tartars, and other nations, with whom sometimes they have peace, and sometimes warre : but with the Chinians they have continuall peace. They are speciall good bow-men ; but at other weapons, because they have but few, and those bad, they are nothing so skilfull. Wherefore they are not comparable to the Japonians, who by reason of their warres are continually exercised in armes, and are by nature more couragious and valiant, being furnished with yron-peeces, with lances, and with excellent swordes. Onely in shipping they are inferiour to the Corayans and Chinians, by reason of the hugenesse of their Ships which they use upon the sea. Wherefore, if they were to joyne battels by sea, there is no doubt but that both the foresayde Nations would be too hard for them. But now because they knewe nothing of the comming of the Japonian armie, or for that they doubted that their sea-forces were the stronger, or els because God was determined to punish them, he suffered them to be destitute of all the defence of their shipping, so that the Japonians without any resistance landed upon their dominions.
                Now the fame of Augustines victory causing the armie notably to increase, and the Mariners, and many others which caryed burthens (as they were trained up in warre from their childhood) bearing armes, while the Corayan captives supplied their baser offices : so great a terrour possessed all the people of Coray where Augustine came, that all the castles and fortresses which hee passed by were forsaken by their garisons, and all men fled for refuge to the principall city. And while other commanders and Christians sent from Ceuxima and Nangoia shaped their course for Coray, Augustine had pitched his campe neere unto the foresaid principall citie : of the which being come within 3. dayes journey, he was encountered by 20000. men ; whom at the very first assault, having slaine 3000. of them, hee put to flight. But approching very neere unto the citie, and having passed a river, hee maintained a valiant conflict at a certaine narrow passage against 80000. Corayans, 8000. whereof were slaine, and a great number drowned in the river. Heere while Augustine appointed all his troopes to remayne for two dayes, to the end they might somewhat refresh their wearie limmes, the king of Coray seeing himselfe besieged by his enemie, and that many other Japonian lordes with strong armies invaded his kingdome on all sides, determined to have his citie strengthened with garisons, and to retire himselfe [III. 859.] into the in-land of China. Which by reason of the abundance of horses that he had, he was able right commodiously to performe. Whereupon the second or third day after, Augustine without any resistance entred the head-city, being presented with great store of victuals and gifts by them that remained therein. Thus Augustine, with other captaines his associates, became lord of the principall citie, and wonne all the honour of the victory unto himselfe : for albeit by this time the other captaines were come from Ceuxima, and many from Nangoia, yet they found all things performed to their hands.
                Quabacondono being advertised of this second victory, yeelded as much honour unto Augustine as he could possibly devise, speaking so highly to the commendation both of him, and of other Captaines his associates, as if but the tenth part of his faire promises come to effect, they shall be farre greater then they are, and Augustine (next unto himselfe) shall be the principall person in all Japan. And now he is become so famous in the Court, and throughout the whole kingdome of Japan, that at all their meetings and assemblies there is no talke but onely of the valour and fortitude of Augustine, who in twentie dayes space hath subdued so mightie a kingdome to the Crowne of Japan. And all the Nobles account him a most happy man, being astonished at the immortall renowme which he hath attained unto by this exploite : yea, and Quabacondono sent forthwith unto him, as unto the conquerour and vanquisher of the Corayans, in token of great honour, a two-edged sword and a horse, which among the Japonians is a pledge of the most peerelesse honour that can possibly be done to a man : and this very gift did Nabunanga in times past send unto Quabacondono, when hee had in any battel wonne any kingdome from Morindono. And by this great event the power of the Christians God, and his providence towards his children is knowen not onely to the Christians, but even to the very Ethnicks themselves, for that in the heate of such extreme persecution it hath pleased his divine Majestie to lay the honour of all this warre upon Christian lords. Wherefore we doubt not, but they wil prove more mighty and famous then ever they were.
                Hence it commeth to passe that the Portugals ship come from China, hath wintered in Japan : by which occasion the presence of the father Visitour hath bene a great comfort not onely to us, but to all the other Christians, who in regarde of the departure of so many men with Quabacondono and his captaines to the warres, thought they should have bene left utterly forsaken and destitute, had not the father Visitour, in whom they reposed all their confidence, remayned here. But the singular providence and love of God towards us appeared in this, that hee would have the sayd Ship, contrary to their usuall custome, to winter in Japan. For when Quabacondono having obteined that victorie, was determined to returne unto Ximo, they were all shrowded under the protection of the foresayd Father ; who hearing that hee was entred into Nangoia, caused Frier John Rodorigues and the governour of the Portugal ship to salute and welcome him. For the Christians of Miaco, which succeeded in their roomes that went for Coray, advised him in their letters so to doe.
                And it was very acceptable to Quabacondono to see the Portugals Captaine General attended upon by so many Portugals sumptuously attired, and comming with so many shippes in the company of Frier John Rodoriguez and hee asked the Frier how the father Visitour did ? And whether the presents to the Vice-roy liked him ? As also, that hee tooke it in very good part that the Father had wintered in Japan, and that the Frier should stay with him. Afterward writing an answere to the father, he declared therein the great favour which he bore to the captaine of the ship. Whom, having familiarly entertained him for the space of 2. houres, hee dismissed with evident tokens of good will. After the Captaines returne, Frier Rodoriguez staying behinde above a moneth, attempted very often to speake with Quabacondono, of whom hee was alwayes most kindly used. Afterward by reason of sicknesse hee returned to Nangasaque ; whereupon Quabacondono demaunded why he was not cured at the same place where himselfe remained ? Jacuino answered, that beeing a stranger, hee was to bee cured with such diet and medicines, as were not there to bee had : with which answere hee was satisfied. Hence it is, that by often conferences which were made by reason of the ambassage, Quabacondono waxeth every day more courteous and affable. And yet for all this, new occasions of troubles and afflictions are not cut off: for certaine it is, that Quabacondono hath given out, that if he have good successe with his warre against China, he will make great alterations of estates, in assigning the kingdomes of Coray and China to the Christian princes, and placing in their roomes Ethnick lordes throughout Japan: which thing might redound to the ruine and destruction of all Christianitie heere, neither should the Christians finde in Japan any place of refuge. And albeit Augustine had certainly informed the father Visitour of the sayde alteration of [III. 860.] estates, and Jacuine had written unto Augustine, that Quabacondono had fully determined to alter the states or governments of Ximo, and so consequently the state of Augustine, and of the Christian princes of Arima and Omura ; yea, and that the said two princes had notice thereof: yet almightie God with the eyes of his infinite mercy hath vouchsafed to regard the prayers of his faithfull servants (who for this cause were most perplexed and sorowfull) and to provide this remedie following.
                The Corayans having intelligence, that their king and the forces which hee caried with him were in safety, went the greatest part of them, with as much victuals as they could get, and hidde themselves in the mountains and woods, remaining there with such hate and indignation against the Japonians, that with promise of safe conduct they could by no meanes be drawen out of their starting holes. Wherefore albeit the Japonians have all the castles and places of defence in their owne possession, yet because they want people to tille the ground, and to doe them other necessary services, they cannot chuse but foregoe all that which they have woon. Moreover, the common high wayes are so pestered with theeves and murtherers, that unlesse the Japonians march in whole troopes all together, they are suddenly oppressed with swarmes of Corayans issuing foorth of the woods. Many of the Corayans also have retired themselves unto the neighbour-islands, from whence with numbers of great ships, to the mighty losse of the Japonians, they assaile their small and weake ones, and have already sunke many of them. Wherefore all the Japonian lords which remaine in Coray have written unto Quabacondono, that his army must for a certaine time in no wise remoove from the place where it is, for avoyding of such imminent dangers as in proceeding further it may incurre. Upon these advertisements Quabacondono being ready to take his journey to Coray, to divide the whole kingdome, was hindred from his purpose, and sent most friendly letters to all his nobles, willing them to be of good cheere, for that he would not deale about altering of their estates, till 3. yeres were expired: whereupon they were eased of exceeding great care and grief. For albeit there is no great trust to be given to his words, yet we hope that this yere he wil not meddle : what he wil doe afterward, God knoweth. In Coray at this present there are above 200000. Japonian souldiers, who at the commandement of Quabacondono are divided throughout the whole kingdom. Augustine lieth upon the very extreame frontiers of China: but because the Chinians are separated from the kingdome of Coray with a mighty river of 3. leagues broad, and abound with great ships, and have planted innumerable troopes of men upon the shore, the successe of the warre remayneth most doubtfull and uncertaine. Neither doe wee know whether the Japonians will proceede any farther this yeere or no.

The third testimony of Coray, signifying (amongst other notable and politicall observations) the later successe of the warres of Japan against Coray ; and to what end Quabacondono still mainteineth garisons in that kingdome. Out of the Epistles of Father Organtino Brixiano, bearing date from Japan Anno 1594. [Cheong Sung Hwa: a translated excerpt of the Annual Letters of 1594 by Bresciano, published in Milano in 1597.]

The whole Empire of Japan is now in the handes of this king Quabacondono : and (which hath not bene knowen since the first creation thereof) there is not the bredth of one foote throughout all the whole Island, which is not absolutely subject unto him. And hee reigneth in so great peace and tranquilitie, that if his successors follow the same course of government, there is no likelihood of future sedition or perturbation in any of the kingdoms. And doubtles the meanes which he useth to establish continuall peace and concord among the Japonians, are very great and effectuall.
                One is, that after he hath passed his publique promise, he never putteth any of his adversaries to death, which his predecessour Nabunanga performed not : for he having subdued any kingdom, would put all the lords and governours to the sword. But this king granteth unto them not only life, but also yerely revenues, whereby to maintaine themselves in an honest and meane estate : in which regarde they all rest contented, and willingly submit themselves.
                Another is, in that he hath brought the husbandmen and pesants (by whose assistance & wealth all the pety-kingdoms were after a sort susteined) unto such extreme poverty, that they have scarce wherewithall to keepe life and soule together : as likewise hee hath bereaved them of all kinde of weapons.
The third is, because hee hath most streightly forbidden all contentions, seditions, frayes, and skirmishes. For whosoever be found culpable of this crime, they dye every man of them on both parties. If any escape by flight, their kinsefolks are punished in their stead ; and for lacke of them, their servants ; and for defalt of both their next neighbours. If many were guilty, many are punished and suffer death: but hence it commeth to [III. 861.] passe, that many innocent persons are constrained to die. And this severitie is the cause, why there are at this present so seldome frayes and contentions in Japan.
                The fourth is, that in administring of justice hee is most upright, without all respect either to his owne kindred, or to his ancient captaines, or the blood royall, or any of the Bonzii, bee they never so famous : and being once advertized of a crime, hee pardoneth no man. And albeit himselfe is exceedingly addicted to women, yet will he permit none of his subjects to have any concubines. For which cause not many dayes agoe, hee banished a Bonzio of great wealth, being in alliance and dignitie most neere unto himselfe. And being informed that all the Bonzii of Miaco kept concubines, hee would have put them all to death, had not the governour of Miaco promised, that hee would undertake to keepe them from offending any more in that kinde. Wherefore hee caused all the Bonzii every moneth to bee sworne, that they should live honestly upon paine of death : as also hee hath sworne the heads or superiors of all their religious houses under paine of death, to give up their names whom they most suspect of the foresayd crime. Hence it is, that all of them (if you regard their outward estate) live in extreme feare.
                The fift is, for that hee suffereth none of his souldiers, nor his great lordes to live in idlenesse. If there be no warres for their imployment, hee occupieth them in building of stately palaces, and in raising new fortresses, or in repairing and strengthening of olde, and also in performing other notable workes, to the ornament of Japan, and to his owne lasting honour. So that at this present neere unto Miaco there are thirtie thousand men imployed about the building of one castle ; and in the citie of Bozacca above an hundred thousand : which imployments afforde them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions.
                 The sixt is his altering of governments : for hee remooveth his governours from one extreme part of Japan to another.
                The seventh, for that unto his souldiers (besides the ordinarie pay continually allotted unto them for their service) in time of warre hee alloweth victuals at his owne costes. Wherof it commeth to passe, that hee effecteth whatsoever hee thinkes good by their meanes. Neither hath hee hitherto waged any warre, wherein his enemie was not vanquished, according to his owne desire : this late warre of China onely excepted, which farre surmounted all his forces. Howbeit in the kingdome of Coray hee maintaineth as yet great garisons, as well to keepe his honour, as to constraine the Chinians to sue for peace.
                The eighth is, in that hee curbeth and restraineth persons of ambitious and aspiring mindes, who (as hee conjectureth) after his death might worke some innovations in the common wealth, or disturbe the kingdomes.
                The ninth is, because hee hath on no side within foure or five dayes journey of Miaco, any mightie or industrious captaine or governour.
                The tenth and last is, for that hee hath brought his yeerely revenues to two millions of gold.
By these courses and meanes, wee are in good hope that firme peace will bee established in all these kingdomes, and also that a fit way will be prepared, for the conversion of all the great lordes unto Christian religion.