An Old Map and its Story The Gonyeo-Manguk-Jeondo Included in the
September 1918 issue of the short-lived monthly
journal The Korea Magazine, is an article
(pages 386-396) by Bishop Mark N. Trollope, the
Anglican Bishop in Korea and for many years President
of RAS Korea, about an ancient map of the world
preserved at Pongseonsa temple to the north-east of
Seoul, (which he consistently calls Mappa Mandi
instead of Mappa Mundi.) The Korea
Magazine had a limited distribution and was
never reprinted or made available online until early
in 2020, so that few have ever read this article.
The map in question, known in Korean pronunciation as the Gonyeo-Manguk-Jeondo (곤여만국전도), was a Korean hand-copied reproduction made by Painter Kim Jin-yeo in 1708, the 34th year of King Sukjong's reign, of the Chinese Kunyu Wanguo Quantu (坤輿萬國全圖 Complete Map of the World). This map was printed in China at the request of the Wanli Emperor in 1602 by the Italian Catholic missionary Matteo Ricci and Chinese collaborators, Mandarin Zhong Wentao and the technical translator, Li Zhizao. It is the earliest known Chinese world map with the style of European maps. A copy of this map was brought to Korea by Lee Gwan-jeong and Gwon Hui, two envoys of Joseon to China and at least two copies were made. One is now displayed at Seoul National University Museum, and was designated National Treasure No.849 on August 9, 1985. The other known copy, that described by Bishop Trollope, was kept at Bongseonsa temple until it was destroyed when the temple buildings burned down during the Korean War, on March 6, 1951. Recently the Museum of Silhak in Namyangju City has created a virtual reconstruction of the Bongseonsa map, based on photographs taken in 1929 and by comparison with other copies in Japan and the United States. (This link gives access to an image which can be enlarged in order to see the details.) The map was mounted on the seven leaves of a folding screen. The first panel contains texts by Ricci, the last a description of how the Korean copies were made. The central five panels show the five world continents and over 850 toponyms. The map contains descriptions of ethnic groups and the main products associated with each region. In the margins outside the ellipse, there are images of the northern and southern hemispheres, the Aristotelian geocentric world system, and the orbits of the sun and moon. It has an introduction by the then Prime Minister, Choe Seok-jeong providing information on the constitution of the map and its production process. Bongseonsa temple was originally founded by National Preceptor Beobin in 969, with the name Unaksa, but after King Sejo (r. 1455–1468) was buried nearby, it was given a new name by Queen Jeonghui (aka Queen Dowager Jaseong, 1418 – 1483) who for many years acted as regent for her weak son, Yejong, and after his death for her grandson who became King Seongjong. The temple served as the funerary temple for Sejo and the continuing royal patronage of ensuing queens probably explains why the map was donated to it. The name can be interpreted as “temple for revering the sage.” |
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Korea as depicted in the Chinese original
The version of the map preserved in the Museum of SNU (보물 제 849) |
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An Old Map and its
Story
By Mark Napier Trollope,
Bishop in Korea. I. Some
twenty miles or more N. E. of Seoul, on the
beautifully wooded slopes of Bamboo-leaf Mountain 竹葉山 in the
prefecture of Yang-ju 楊州 lies Kwang-neung 光隨 the last
resting place of the great King Syei-jo 世祖大王, who reigned
over Chosen from A. D. 1455 to A. D. 1469. True it is
that the Neung, or royal mausolea, and the Buddhist
temples surrounded as they usually are by acres of
park or forest land have between them appropriated (or
helped to create) most of the beauty spots of Korea.
And certainly the Kwang Neung with its magnificent
park of giant trees of every sort, is one of the most
beautiful of the royal tombs which lie scattered so
thickly over the country in the neighbourhood of
Seoul. Probably for this reason it has been selected
by the “Woods and Forests Department” of the
Government-General as one of their “Auxiliary forestry
stations.” King
Syei-jo was noted for two things. First, he was the
only king of the Yi dynasty who was an enthusiastic
devotee of Buddhism, and to him it was that Seoul owed
the erection within its walls of Won-gak-sa 圓覺寺, the great
Temple, of which the huge tablet and the beautiful
Pagoda of “Pagoda Park” are the only remaining relics.
His second claim to fame is a less enviable one. For
he, like our English King Richard III, is credited
with having played the part of the “wicked uncle,” who
turns up sooner or later in most dynastic histories,
paving his own way to the Throne by the murder of the
legitimate heir, his infant nephew. The boy King
Tan-jong 端宗大王, foully done to
death at the age of 16 in the mountain fastnesses of
Kang-won-do (A. D. 1457), is one of the most pathetic
characters in Korean history. And king Syei-jo’s
latter-day devotion to the Buddhist faith is said to
have been not unconnected with remorse for his share
in the tragedy which overshadowed his accession to the
throne. And
so we find—as not unfrequently in the parks attached
to the royal tombs—a grave old Buddhist monastery 奉先寺 Pong-syen-sa,
embosomed in the woods surrounding Kwangneung, Syei-jo’s
tomb, founded presumably as a home for religious men
who should pray for the soul of the dead king. The
monastery, though its buildings are massive and fairly
extensive, is not in itself especially remarkable,
except for its great and glorious-toned bell, dating
from l469 and covered with Chinese inscriptions and
charms in the Sanskrit script. But the Poptang 法堂 or central
shrine, is a spacious and striking building, with its
heavy timbers,its elaborately
carved wood work and subdued colouring, and is further
note-worthy for the fact that, in the place of the
“gods many and lords many,” usually to be found (at
least to the number of three) over Buddhist altars, it
contains but a single figure of 藥師如來 Yak-sa-ye-rai,
the healing Buddha, or good physician, seated in grave
contemplation, with his casket of medicine in his
hands. The
object of this paper however is not so much to draw
attention to King Syei-jo’s tomb or the temple of
Pong-syen-sa near by, as to that which must surely be
counted the Temple’s most precious possession, its
great Mappa
Mandi, the hand-work of one of those wonderful
Jesuit priests and scientists who flourished in Peking
in the seventeenth century. How this marvellous
creation found its way to Pong-syen-sa must remain
uncertain, the monks retaining no tradition on the
subject, though something of interest on the subject
remains to be said before this paper ends. Every
Korean scholar of course is familiar with the name of
李瑪竇, Yi Ma-tou, and
with the great work he did in China towards the end of
the Ming Dynasty in teaching the truths of
mathematics, astronomy and geography, and amending the
many errors into which the Imperial Calendar had
fallen. But not all of them by any means are aware
that Yi Ma-tou is but the Chinese name adopted by
Father Matteo Ricci, who was born at Ancona in 1552
(the very year in which S. Francis Xavier died on the
coast of China), and who, after throwing in his lot
with S. Ignatius Loyola’s young and flourishing
Society of Jesus, found his way to the South of China
as a missionary priest in 1580, passing thence in 1600
to Peking, where he died full of years and honour in
1610. Long
before Father Ricci died he had been joined in his
missionary labours by many other priests of the
Society of Jesus. And yet others flocked into the
Chinese Empire after his death, carrying on the
tradition which he established for close on two
centuries, until in 1773 the suppression of the
Society by the Pope brought disaster to its
flourishing Chinese Missions as well as its work
elsewhere [*The Society of Jesus was revived
in 1814 by Pope Pius VII just forty-one years after it
had been suppressed by his predecessor, pope Clement XIV
in 1773. Their great establishment at Sicawei near
Shanghai dates from their re-entry on Chinese Mission
work in 1842.]
Among Fr. Ricci’s Jesuit successors in Peking, far the
most famous were Fr. John Adam Schall, a native of
Cologne, who arrived in China in 1622 and died there
in 1655, and Fr. Ferdinand Verbiest, a native of
Flanders, who arrived in China in 1660 and died there
in 1688. The former is known to Chinese and Koreans as
湯若望 Tang Yak-mang,
and the latter as 南懷仁, Nam Hoiin. Both were men of
extraordinary scientific attainments and were held in
the highest esteem in Peking, where they were actually
raised to mandarin rank and successively appointed
President of the Board of Mathematics and Astronomy by
the last Emperors of the Ming and the earliest
Emperors of the Ching, or Manchu, dynasty. It
is to Fr. Adam Schall, Tang Yak-mang (pronounced in
Chinese Tang Jo-wang), that we owe the great map of
the world still preserved in Pong-syen-sa. My own
inspection of the map was too cursory, and the space
of THE KOREA MAGAZINE too valuable,
for me to attempt a minute description of this work of
art in these columns. Suffice it to say that it is
painted in colours on silk, with the geographical
names and other details written in Chinese, and that
the whole is mounted on an eight-leaved screen some
six or seven feet high. The
first leaf contains a long extract in Chinese from the
writings of Yi Ma-tou (Matthew Ricci), and the eighth
an historical account of the way in which the map came
into being. The map is there said to have been drawn
in the 1st Year of the Emperor 崇禎 i.e. A. D. 1628
by the 西洋人湯若望 the “western
foreigner Tang Yak-mang, who affixed his seal to it
and sent it to the eastern kingdom,” i.e. Chosen. It
is further stated that in the 34th year of King
Souk-jong 肅宗 of Chosen (i.e.
A. D. 1708) several copies of the Map were made by
royal authority. And the whole of this statement is
signed by 崔錫鼎 Choi
Syek-tyeng, who was (Dr. Gale informs me) Prime
Minister of Korea at the last mentioned date. The six
central leaves of the screen are occupied with the map
of the world itself, surrounded by other drawings
illustrating the principle of eclipses, the orbits of
the planets, etc., and at the side is to be seen in
red ink, the sacred monogram I. H. S. and the Jesuit
emblem of the Cross and three nails. The map itself is
drawn with the Equator, the Tropics and the North and
South Poles clearly marked, and plainly represents the
highest level of geographical accuracy attained by
European scientists in the first half of the
Seventeenth Century. The great continents of Europe,
Asia, Africa, and North and South America are
delineated with remarkable accuracy of outline, the
least satisfactory part being that great District of
Eastern Europe and Western Asia, which is now covered
by Russia and about which, one may suppose, but little
was really known in Europe at this time. Naturally
Australia is practically non-existent and the southern
parts of the globe generally are plainly those about
which our map-makers were most hazy. They have filled
the vacant spaces here with lively representation of
the Elephant, the Rhinoceros, the Lion and other
strange wild beasts, and after the manner of the
seventeenth century geographers, have dotted over the
vast surface of the ocean wonderful pictures of
dolphins and whales and gallant ships employed in the
commerce of the world. Useful and interesting pieces
of information are conveyed by little Chinese
inscriptions attached to the names of certain of the
countries, as for instance to Judaea, of which we are
told that “it is called the Holy Land because the Son
of God was born there,’’ while attention is drawn to
Rome as the residence of the Pope, and England is
described as the land in which no poisonous snakes are
to be found. (An early instance this of English
perfidy in appropriating to herself what really
belongs to Ireland!) II Now,
how did this map ever find its way to Chosen, the
hermit land? As I have already said, the monks of
Pong-syen-sa have no tradition on the subject and the
records of their monastery seem to have (as is alas!
so often the case) entirely disappeared. They
themselves had nothing to suggest, but that it must
have been brought back by one of the tribute Embassies
from Peking, which is likely enough. Can we get any
nearer to the truth? I think we can. It must be
remembered that the years during which Adam Schall
played such a prominent part in Peking (1622-1665)
were precisely the years during which the Chinese
Empire was passing from the hands of the Ming dynasty
to those of the rising Manchu power. Even before this
great crisis however, in the year 1631, we read in the
dynastic history of Chosen 國朝寶鑑 국됴보같 (as Dr. Gale
has pointed out to me) that the Korean envoy 鄭斗源 had met a
foreigner in Peking named 陸若漢 (probably
Father Jean de la Roque) who had much impressed him by
his hale and hearty old age (he was then 97 years old)
and who had presented him with number of guns,
telescopes, clocks and other articles’ of European
manufacture. This however does not yet bring into
direct contact with Adam Schall. And it is a little
bit difficult to piece together the events of the next
few years because they are all mixed up with the
events of the 丙
子胡亂
i.e. the Manchu invasion of Korea in 1636-7, which the
Koreans have always regarded as one of the most
shameful episodes in their history, and to which
therefore but scant reference is made in the dynastic
records. Practically all we are told there is that the
King of Korea moved his court from Seoul to Nam Han in
l636 and returned to Seoul in 1637, and that in 1644
an envoy 金 堉 was sent from
Seoul to Peking, where he is said to have met the
foreigner Adam Schall, 湯若 望 (A piece of information for which I have
again to thank Dr. Gale). What really took place was
this. The Manchu Emperor at the head of his army swept
down into Korea in 1636, to enforce the submission of
the Koreans, who clung to the falling Ming dynasty,
with a loyalty worthy of the Jacobites of Great
Britain in 1715 and 1745. The king had just time to
send off his two eldest sons (together with his
ancestral tablets) and members of his family to
Kang-wha, where they were shortly afterwards captured,
while he himself had to flee with the rest of his
court to Nam Han San Song, some twenty miles south of
Seoul where he sustained a long siege. At length being
starved out he surrendered to the Manchu Emperor, who
treated him with surprising courtesy and clemency.
Among the conditions of peace however he insisted on
carrying off to Moukden as hostages the Crown Prince
of Korea, and his younger brother the Prince Pong-nim,
who remained there in a sort of gilded captivity until
1645, when they were allowed to return to Korea, the
last of the Ming Emperors having died by his own hand
in 1644, and thus cleared the road for the Manchu
Emperor’s peaceful accession to the throne of China.
It was probably in connection with these events in
1644-5 that 金堉 went as an
envoy to China, where, as we have already said, he is
recorded to have met Father Schall 湯若望. And even if we
had nothing else to go upon, we should probably not be
far wrong in concluding that this was the occasion on
which Father Schall’s Mappa Mandi
found its way from China to Chosen. In
pursuing my investigation however as to Father
Schall’s activities, in Peking, I happened to refer to
that well-known traveller the Abbe Huc’s book on “Le
Christianism en Chine, en Tartarie et au Thibet,”
which was published in 1857. And there I stumbled upon
a narrative which shewed that Father Schall had in
l644-5 entered into the most friendly relations with a
far more distinguished person than any mere envoy like
(金堉) to wit with no
less a person than the captive Korean Prince, who
afterwards mounted his father’s throne as King
Hyo-jong (孝 宗大王) and reigned in
Chosen from A. D. 1649-1669. The
facts recorded by the Abbe Hue are of such surpassing
interest that it seems worthwhile to insert the
passage here at length, especially as none of the many
writers in Korea seem to have noticed them [†Griffis
in Korea, the
Hermit Nation, Hulbert in his Passing of Korea
and History of
Korea, Dallet in the Histoire de
l’Eglyre de Coree, Longford in his Story of Korea
make no mention of the episode in question, though they
all refer to instances of Korean envoys meeting some of
the Jesuit Fathers in China. Ross in his History of Corea,
Ancient and Modern has an oblique reference to the
meeting of the Crown Prince and Father Schall, quoting
from the Edinburgh
Review, No. 278. but only mentions it to scout its
probability.]
I ought however to say by way of preface that the Abbé
is wrong in referring to the “illustrious captive” as
being then “King of the Koreans.” It was the Crown
Prince and his younger brother Prince Pong Nim who
were carried off to China as hostages. Of these the
Crown Prince himself died in 1645, almost immediately
after his return to his native land; and it was his
younger brother, Prince Pong Nim, who afterwards
actually became King of Korea and reigned as Hyo-jong
Tai-wang from 1649 to 1659. Referring
to the years 1644-5, when the last of the Ming
Emperors had passed away and the Manchu Emperor
Syoun-chi 順治(순치) had at length
mounted the throne of China, the Abbe Hue says: “At
about this date the King of the Koreans was in Peking.
Having fallen into the hands of the Manchus as a
prisoner of war, he had been taken to Moukden, the
capital of Manchuria, where the Tartar chief had
promised to set him free as soon as he had made
himself master of the Chinese Empire. No sooner had
Syoun-chi been proclaimed Emperor than he fulfilled
the promise made to his illustrious captive, who
before returning to his native land expressed a desire
to visit Peking and return thanks in person to his
liberator. And it was during his stay there that the
King of Korea (i.e. the Crown Prince) made the
acquaintance of Father Adam Schall. He used to take
the greatest pleasure in visiting the Jesuit Father
informally at his residence and himself entertained
him with the greatest kindness in his own palace. He
was particularly anxious that the distinguished
Koreans who were attached to his suite should profit
by the instructive conversation which took place on
these occasions, and trusted that they might gather
therefrom, and carry back to their own country,
valuable information on matters astronomical and
mathematical, in which his countrymen were not very
well skilled. The missionary on his side did not fail
to take the opportunity thus provided of instilling
the truths of Christianity into the minds of his new
friends, in the hope that the seeds of the true faith
might thus be sown in the as yet heathen land of
Korea. Little by little they became attached to one
another by ties of the closest intimacy, and the
inevitable parting, when the Prince and his suite took
their departure for Korea, brought with it a pang of
real regret to both parties. As the Korean Prince took
a great interest in Chinese literature, Fr. Schall
sent him, a few days before his departure from Peking,
copies of all the works on science and religion
composed by the Jesuit Fathers, together with a
celestial globe and a beautiful image of our Saviour.
The prince was so charmed with these gifts that he
wrote personally to Father Schall a letter in Chinese
to express his heartfelt gratitude. Subjoined is the
translation of this precious document: “‘Yesterday,’
said the prince to Father Schall, ‘while examining the
wholly unexpected gift which you have sent me—the
image of the Divine Saviour, the celestial globe, the
astronomical works, and the numerous other books on
the sciences and doctrine of Europe—I was so overcome
with joy that I am afraid I failed to give proper
expression to my gratitude. In looking through some of
these valuable works, I have observed that they
contain doctrines well calculated to perfect man’s
heart and to adorn it with all the virtues. Up to the
present, this sublime teaching has been unknown in our
country, where men’s understandings have been involved
in the grossest obscurity. The sacred image which you
have sent me is remarkably impressive. So much so that
when it is hung on the wall, one has but to look at it
to feel one’s soul at peace and cleansed from every
sort of stain. The globe and the books on astronomy
are works of such indispensable importance in any
State, that I can hardly credit my good fortune in
having become possessed of them. Similar works are
doubtless to be found in my country, but I must
sorrowfully admit that they are full of errors and in
process of time have drifted further and further away
from standards of scientific accuracy. You will
readily understand how happy your generous present bas
made me. As soon as I have returned to my native land,
these works shall be placed in an honourable position
in my palace and I propose to have reprints made for
distribution among those who by their studious habits
and devotion to science are most likely to profit by
them. By this means my subjects will in the near
future be able to appreciate the good fortune which
had enabled them to pass from the wilderness of
ignorance into the temple of erudition. And the
Koreans will not fail to recognize that it is to the
learned men of Europe that these benifits are due. How
strange it is that you and I, sprung from different
kingdoms and from countries so far apart and so widely
separated by the waters of the ocean, should have met
here in a strange land and that we should have formed
such an intimate friendship that we might be supposed
to be united by a “blood-contract.” It beats my
comprehension to understand by what occult power of
nature this has been brought about. And I can only
surmise that the souls of men are drawn to one another
by their devotion to Truth, however widely separated
they may be from one another on the Earth’s surface.
As it is I can but congratulate myself on my good
fortune in being able to carry back home these books
and this sacred image. When however I remember that my
subjects have never heard of the worship due to God,
and that they are likely enough to offend the Divine
Majesty by failure to show Him the proper respect my
heart is filled with disquiet and anxiety. And for
this reason I have thought it best, if you will allow
me to do so, to return you the sacred image, for I
should be very much to blame, if I or my people failed
to treat it with due veneration “If
I can find anything worthy of your acceptance in my
native land, I shall ask your acceptance of it as a
token of my gratitude. That will be but a slight
return for the ten thousand favours which you have
showered on me.’” The
good Abbe goes on to say that the young prince’s
expressed desire to return the sacred image
(presumably a Crucifix) was only due to his wish to
conform lo the accepted standards of Chinese
politeness, and that Fr. Schall not only prevailed on
him to keep it, but asked whether he would not like to
take back one of his catechists to preach the religion
of the true God to the Koreans. The prince replied
that he should much prefer to take back one of the
European fathers with him, but that anyone whom Fr.
Schall sent might count on receiving as warm a
reception as would be accorded to the missionary
himself. But, as the Abbe Hue points out, the dearth
of workers in the Chinese mission made it impossible
to carry out Fr. Schall’s scheme for starting
Christian mission work in Korea. I
am endeavouring to find out whether the original of
the Korean prince’s letter is still preserved among
the archives of the Jesuit Missions in China. But even
in the absence of the original, and after making all
allowances for exaggerations possibly due to the Abbe
Hue’s editorial imagination, the letter bears on its
face the marks of truth and not improbably shews how
the Mappa Mandi
now in Pong-syen sa reached Korea. The prince’s
embarrassment about the Crucifix and his desire to get
rid of that, without hurting the donor’s feelings, and
at the same to retain the books, etc., is a very
characteristic touch. And the whole
picture is rather a charming one. There is on the one
hand the young prince, who cannot have been more than
twenty-five years old. (And we all know how delightful
well-born and well-bred young Koreans of twenty-five
summers can be). Then there is the old German Jesuit,
one of the most brilliant scientists of his time, who
must have been about fifty-five years old at the time
of his meeting with the Korean prince. The old man
seems to have been of a singularly affectionate
disposition, fond of the society of young men, and
capable of eliciting from them the warmest feelings of
friendship. The affectionate tone of the Korean
prince’s letter is all of a piece with the terms of
extraordinarily warm hearted intimacy on which the
young Manchu Emperor Syoun-chi lived with his dear old
“Mafia” (the Manchu word for “daddy”), as he called
Fr. Adam Schall, The Abbe Huc has many an amusing tale
to tell of the embarrassment caused by the Emperor’s
frequent and very informal calls on the good Jesuit
Fathers in Peking. [†The Emperor was only a
child of six years old when he ascended the throne in
1644 and barely twenty-four when he died in 1661.] And it is
interesting to think that in the great Map of the
World preserved in Pong Syen-sa we in Korea have so
solid a link with such an interesting episode, or
series of episodes, in the past history of the Far
East and its relations with the West. For Reference Wikipedia
article on the original map https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kunyu_Wanguo_Quantu The Google page
with the reconstructed map from Bongsonsa and a
description. The map can be enlarged to make the texts
legible. https://g.co/arts/jJc99R2V9KLRWKDaA https://artsandculture.google.com/asset/_/twGEi2Om9Nmouw A series of
photos including the 1929 photos of the Map and of the
temple before its destruction http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/Item/E0023921#modal A short history
of the temple in Korean http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/Item/E0023921 A brief English
Wikipedia entry for the temple https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bongseonsa |