The
War
in Korea
From: La Revue de Paris,
(15
August, 1894, pages
753-768) "La guerre de Corée" Émmanuel-Édouard
Chavannes (1865 – 1918) was a French
Sinologist and a celebrated expert on Chinese
history and religion. He lived in
China 1889-1893, then on returning to Paris became
Professor of Chinese at the
Collège de France. [The
part about Hong Jong-U in the following text was
reprinted in L’Univers
illustré – 25 août 1894] The conflict
that has just broken
out between China and Japan has been in preparation
for many years; on many
occasions it seemed on the point of breaking out; the
events which we are
witnessing are the violent dénouement of a situation
that every day seemed more
critical. To
tell
the truth, it formerly seemed likely that the storm
would break on another
point of the dark horizon that enveloped Korea. Seven
years ago, England,
fearing that Russia might lay hands on Korea, took the
lead by seizing the
islands of Port Hamilton. The government of the Tsar
protested the purity of
its intentions. The English no longer felt entitled to
warn of a danger they
were told was imaginary, so they evacuated Port Hamilton and
put it into the hands of China. On the 1st of
February, 1887, Sir James
Fergusson made the following statement in the House of
Commons: "Her
Majesty's
Government have decided to withdraw from Port Hamilton only
after having received assurances from the Government
of China that no part of
Korea, including Port Hamilton, will be occupied by
any foreign Power." The
solution
of this diplomatic incident shows that England has
formally recognized
the suzerainty of China and that, on the other hand,
it reserves the right to
intervene on the day this suzerainty proves incapable
of protecting its
rights. It is also clear that if Russia deemed it
opportune to deny any desire
to act in Korea in 1887, it could still not fail to be interested
in any changes that might occur there and could return
to the scene whenever
the integrity of the small kingdom might be
threatened. So
far,
luckily, the only contestants are China and Japan. The
origins of their
dispute are ancient and many but, as usual, an
isolated incident has been
enough to cause the
discharge of a long-accumulated tension. The account
of this incident is not
lacking in savor; it was not a common border incident,
but a conspiracy such as
might make Saint-Réal tremble with pleasure. 1. On
the
4th of December, 1884, the inauguration of the Post
Office was celebrated
at Seoul; the main members of the Government, the
representatives of the United States and England, and
M. von Mollendorf, the
foreign adviser to the King, were present at a banquet
that the Postmaster
offered them in the new buildings. Everything was very
gay, when towards ten
o'clock in the evening a stranger entered the hall
shouting "Fire!"
Prince Min Yong-ik went out to see what was happening; he
had barely passed the door of the house when he was
attacked from behind and
received seven cuts from a saber. Despite his
injuries, he was able to make an
effort to retrace his steps; at that moment, M. von
Mollendorf, attracted by
the noise, rushed out and
gathered up in his arms the prince, who was
bleeding profusely. The murderers fled and the guests
quickly made their
escape. During the night M. von Mollendorf transported
the prince to his own
house and thus saved him from a second attack. The
soul
of the plot was a certain Kim Ok-kiun; a former envoy
from Korea to Japan; he acted at
the instigation of the Japanese. That was proved the
very next day. On 5
December, indeed, this personage entered the king’s
presence, threatened him
strangely and dictated his wishes. The Minister of War
was called to the
palace; he had barely taken leave of his sovereign
when he fell dead, struck
down by men lying in wait. In the night, seven of the
main Korean leaders are
murdered. A new government is formed, at the head of
which is placed Kim
Ok-kiun. The
conspirators
had skilfully chosen their moment; the Chinese were
struggling
with the difficulties caused by the Tonkin affair.
They had counted on their
being unable to intervene in Korea. But they had not
counted with the energy of
the man who was in command of the small Chinese corps
stationed in Seoul, Yuen
Che-k'ai. Yuen promoted a counter-revolution, and in a
few days the new
government was defeated and its supporters massacred.
Only three members of the
cabinet were able to escape; among them was Kim
Ok-kiun, who took refuge on a
Japanese warship. He was able to reach Japan safe and
sound; he was interned,
it is said; but in reality, once there he was
pensioned by the Government, of
which he had merely been the agent. China rewarded
Yuen Che-k'ai by naming him,
in the year 1885, Minister Resident at the court of
the King of Korea. Among
the
accomplices of Kim Ok-kiun was the director of the
Post
Office,
who had
sent out the murderous invitation. Arrested by Chinese
soldiers as he was
seeking to justify himself to the King, he was taken
out of the palace and was
immediately torn to pieces by the populace. His father
and his closest
relatives killed themselves. One member of his family,
named Hong Tjyong-ou,
conceived the project of rehabilitating himself by
assassinating Kim Ok-kiun.
He had to wait nine years before he could execute his
plan. He came to Tokio in
1889 and established close relations with Kim Ok-kiun;
but, finding no
favorable opportunity, he embarked for Europe, it is
not clear for what
purpose. He spent a long time in Paris, in a hotel in
the Rue Serpente, and was
received very amiably in various houses. Those
visiting the Guimet Museum were
able to see him sometimes with his dress of white silk
and his conical hat with
broad edges. Father Hyacinthe Loyson, whose affability
is well known, received him
with the greatest cordiality; at the time of
his departure, he left
him, on July 22, 1893, a card with these words "My
dear friend, I wish you
a very happy journey and pray God to bless you and
yours." At the end of
the month of July, Hong Tjyong-ou took passage at
Marseilles on the Melbourne
bound for Japan. On
March
27, 1894, four passengers, wearing Japanese costume,
disembarked at Shanghai
and took
rooms in a Japanese hotel in the English
concession. They were Kim
Ok-kiun with his servant, and Hong Tjyong-ou with an
interpreter from the
Legation of China to Tokio, Ou Po-jen. An invitation,
authentic or supposedly
so, from Li Ts'ing-fang, the adopted son of Li
Hong-tchang who had recently been
Minister of China in Japan, had drawn Kim Ok-kiun into
the trap. On Wednesday March
28, at three in the afternoon, Kim and Hong were alone
in a room of the hotel,
on the first floor. Kim was lying down; Hong seized a
revolver and fired two
shots at his companion. The unfortunate man had the
strength to rush out of the
room; but at the top of the staircase a third bullet
strikes him in the back
and he falls, bathed in his blood. On
the
night of the same Wednesday, a similar attack was
directed, in Tokio, but
without success, against Po Yong-hiao, a political
co-religionist of Kim
Ok-kiun. One of the assailants was arrested on the
spot, the two others took
refuge in the Legation of Korea. The Japanese
government gave notice to the
Korean representative to hand over the culprits. After
some dithering, the chargé
d'affaires, fearing that they might penetrate into his
legation by force, had
to yield. He asked the Japanese to withdraw their
order so that he did not
appear to be acting by coercion, then he made his two
compatriots leave the
building. As soon as they crossed the threshold, the
police seized them. The
three accused loudly declared that they had obeyed an
express command from
their king. Soon after, the
chargé
d'affaires
hurriedly left Tokio without taking leave of the Emperor and
without giving any reason for this abrupt breach of
diplomatic relations. In
Shanghai,
Hong Tjyong-ou had been discovered and apprehended by
the English
police on the day after his crime. He showed no regret
for his action, and
boasted, too, of having executed the orders of his
sovereign. Although the murder
had been committed on the territory of the English
concession, the treaties do
not give the Europeans the right to hear cases which
only concern Koreans. Hong
Tjyong-ou therefore only came under his compatriots.
On April 6, Hiu, the Consul
of Korea at Tientsin, arrived in person at Shanghai
and had the criminal
delivered to him as well as the body of Kim Ok-kiun.
The dead and the living were
embarked together on a Chinese corvette which, on
April 7 in the morning, set
sail for Chemulpo. We do not know what happened to
Hong Tjyong-ou but it is
likely that he was rewarded rather than punished. What
is certain is that the death
of Kim Ok-kiun caused a lively joy in Korea. His head
was exposed in public as
that of a traitor. His old, blind father, his mother
and his daughter were
decapitated. All
this
tragic history greatly moved the Japanese. Their
newspapers indignantly
denounced the ambush of Shanghai, sought the
instigators and were not afraid to
find them in China. Indeed, although the complicity of
China is not
demonstrated, it is probable by the axiom Is
fecit cui prodest. Besides, was not Kim Ok-kiun
drawn to Shanghai by an
invitation from Li Ts'ing-fang, and was he not
accompanied by the Chinese
interpreter Ou Po-jen? If the Celestial Empire cannot
be held responsible, for
lack of material proofs, can we not at least demand
that the King of Korea
explain the singular behavior of his chargé
d'affaires? Public
opinion
in
Japan was
therefore in favor of action in Korea. Moreover, the
government, which is weary
of always being in a minority in the Chamber, was not
opposed to an external
diversion. The general state of excitation gave rise
to fears of extreme
decisions and these apprehensions were soon shown to
be justified. At
the
end of May, an insurrection broke out in the South of
Korea; the rebels
captured Chyeng-chyong, the capital of the province of
Chulla. The king,
powerless to repress the popular movement, demanded
the assistance of the
Chinese, who sent two thousand men to recapture the
town. The Japanese denounced
the action of China as a violation of the Convention
concluded in 1885, according
to which no military operation in Korea could be
undertaken without the assent
and cooperation of Japan. On 12 June, six thousand
Japanese soldiers
disembarked at Chemulpo and on June 15, Mr. Otori,
Minister of Japan to Korea, entered
Seoul with an escort of six hundred men. For their
part, the Chinese concentrated
troops in the bay of Asan, about fifty miles south of
Chemulpo. One more month
of negotiations delayed hostilities. We know how, on
the 25th of last month,
the Japanese, by attacking and sinking, before any
declaration of war, the Kowshung
transport which was flying the
English flag, made the conflict inevitable. Leaving
now
the quarrel to follow its course and the future to be
seen, we must trace the
conflict back to its most distant past. This will help
us better understand how
inevitable it is. 2. This
is
not the first time that Korea has excited the greed of
the Japanese; they
deified, more than eighteen centuries ago, their
Empress Jingu, who in the year
203 "made the weapons of Japan shine beyond the seas."
This
expedition, which has remained one of the most
glorious memories in the annals of
the Mikados, is not the only one that was formerly
directed against Korea, as
the "Rock of the Weeping Woman" bears witness. A
graceful legend
tells that in the sixth century of our era, as a
general left for Korea, his
wife remained there, following with her eyes, weeping,
the sail that carried her
love, but she stood there so long that she was changed
into a rock. It is today
that which we
see at the tip of a promontory in the form of a rock,
the Rock of the Weeping
Woman. Authentic
history
begins closer to us. It shows us, in the sixteenth
century, the
Japanese marching in triumph all over the peninsula
claimed by the Chinese; the
death of the taikoun Hideyoshi, who had been the promoter
of the
campaign, obliged the invaders to withdraw in 1598.
But since this invasion,
the Japanese have often considered that Korea was
legitimately theirs. If
it
were necessary to take account of centuries-old
claims, China would have
more venerable ones to invoke. Already in the year 108
before our era, the Emperor
Ou, of the Han dynasty, seized P'ing-jang on the banks
of the Ta-t'ong river,
and subjected the country to his officials and
institutions. China has not only
made incursions into the territory in several period,
it has annexed it and
administered it as an integral part of its Empire. It
has implanted its
civilization there with deep roots. Although Koreans
do not have strong
sympathies for the Chinese, they consider them as
their masters, while the Japanese
are to their eyes nothing but bold pirates. However,
no matter the authority
tradition may have in the Far East, it cannot stand
against the facts, and the events
of recent years are enough to explain the situation
today of China and Japan in
Korea. The
present
king, Li Hi, is the twenty-fourth of the dynasty Li,
which began to
reign in the year 1392 AD. The second son of a person
known as Tai Won Kiun, he
was adopted by Queen Tchouo Tai-pi, widow of the
previous king; it was on this
account that he ascended the throne in 1864. As he was
very young, the regency
was exercised by his father. It was under the Tai Won
Kiun that a French
expedition and an American expedition, motivated,
one in 1866, by a massacre of missionaries, the other
in 1871, by the looting
of a wrecked ship, both failed to attack Seoul. This
double failure gave
European prestige a blow that was to be felt for a
long time. Japan
was
the first to experience it. Japan had, in 1868,
undergone a prodigious
revolution which, in a few months, had brought it out
of the old Asian rut and
thrown it at full speed on the high road of European
life. The Koreans no
longer had anything but contempt for a people they had
hitherto feared. They
stopped sending tribute to the Tokio court, and
motivated their change of
conduct by insolent letters. The Japanese took up the
insult and, in 1875,
opened hostilities. The Extraordinary Commissioner
Kuroda Kiyotaka had only to
make a demonstration of naval power in the waters of
Korea to bring the small
kingdom to the negociating table. Japan was able to
obtain serious advantages from
its easy triumph, advantages that were guaranteed by a
treaty signed at Kokwa
on 26 February, 1876. Article
1
of the treaty stipulated the absolute independence of
Korea. Japan was
allowed the right to maintain a diplomatic
representative in Seoul.
Furthermore, it demanded the opening to its trade of
Fou-san and two other
ports to be determined subsequently; consuls would be
established to protect
their nationals and would have the right of
jurisdiction. The two ports chosen
were Yuen-san or Gensan (in Broughton Bay, on the
Northeast coast of Korea),
which was opened on 1 May 1880, and that of Jen-tch'oan
(or Chemulpol, at the entrance of the Salt River, one
of the mouths of the Han
River that leads to Seoul), where the Japanese settled
on January 1, 1883. As
a
result of the Kokwa Treaty, relations between Japan
and Korea have multiplied
greatly; the Japanese fishermen who have obtained, by
a special agreement, the
right to sell their fish at any point on the coast,
take advantage of that to
engage in a vast trade in contraband. This smuggling
has taken on such
importance in the port of P'ing-jang, that there can
be no question of doing
anything but regularize it, and this is why the Tokio
government is demanding with
insistence the opening of this place. As for the three
ports of Chemulpo,
Fou-san and Yuen-san, they are mainly populated by
Japanese. Fou-san alone
contains five thousand. However,
the
Koreans could not see with a good eye these intruders
who, first, broke the
barriers behind which the "Hermit State" had isolated
itself with
jealous care. They found in 1882 an opportunity of
expressing their
displeasure. The troops demanded a backlog of pay,
they were offered sacks containing
sand under a thin layer of rice. They mutinied and on
23 July put to death the
superintendent of grain, Min Kyom-ho, an uncle of the
queen. The Queen was
threatened and, to escape from the populace, handed
over a young maid, whom she
had adorned with royal robes, then poisoned for the
circumstance. But the party
of the
Queen
was subservient to the Japanese cause; that was a
sufficient reason for the
insurgents to attack all the Japanese. They attacked
them in their legation, driving
them out after a fight lasting seven hours and burning
their dwellings. Twenty-six
Japanese out of forty managed to escape to Chemulpo
where they were taken on
board an English boat. As a result of this insult,
Japan demanded and obtained a
compensation of five thousand dollars. The royal
government had to make apologies,
replace the former legation which was outside the
walls of Seoul by new
buildings located inside the city, finally pay for the
maintenance of a
garrison to guard the representative of the Mikado. If
the
riot of 1882 was directed against Japan, it was also
what provoked the
conspiracy of 1884. We have seen how it was thwarted
by the energy of the Chinese
commander Yuen Chek'ai. Japan, however, succeeded in
obtaining compensation from
Korea, and even concluded with China an agreement
which gave it the right to
intervene in concert with China whenever order was
disturbed. During
the
last ten years, although Korea has enjoyed relative
calm, Japan has not let
pass any occasion to protest when the grievances of
its nationals lent
themselves to it. Pretexts
have
not been lacking. I will give
an example. One of the main articles of Korean trade
is beans; as the
cultivators are very poor, the traders make them
advances of money in the
spring,
in exchange for which half of the crop is guaranteed
to them. In 1889, the
Japanese of Yuen-san had lent five thousand dollars to
the peasants of the
province of Ham-gyondo.
Autumn came, Governor Tchouo, without warning,
promulgates an edict prohibiting
any Korean from selling or buying beans. The Japanese
make remonstrances to the
governor who refers the matter to the king and asks
permission to suspend
exports for one year from October 23, on the pretext
that the province was
suffering from famine. The Japanese chargé d'affaires
proved, on the contrary, that
the harvest had never been so abundant; the case was
referred to Tokio; however
the edict remained in force and the merchants lost the
money they had
committed. It
is
not only against the bad practices of the government
of Korea that Japan has
protested, but also against the "encroachments" of
China. On December
22, 1890, the deputy Inouyé Hakugoro denounced them in
an interpellation addressed
to the government. As early as 1882, he said, the Japanese Specie Bank had made to Korea a
loan of 170,000 dollars guaranteed
by the revenue of the maritime customs; China, at a
later time, advanced
200,000 taels on the same guarantee and took advantage
of it to seize the
administration of the Korean
customs authorities, without taking any account of the
earlier loan. In
November 1883, Japan established a telegraph cable to
Fou-san, stating that no rival
line would be installed for twenty years; in November
1885, a line linking
China to Seoul and Fou-san was put into operation.
Lastly, although the treaties
with Korea formally state that all foreign nations
will be treated on an equal
footing, China has a monopoly on the export of
jinseng. To
these
indiscreet questions Viscount Aoki did not reply until
three weeks had
passed and it was to make this dry declaration: “The
Government considers that
it is not obliged to submit its acts to the public,
whether to gain its
approval, or for any other reason." Japanese
deputies
do not readily understand that foreign policy
sometimes needs a
certain mystery; they would have been wrong, however,
to misinterpret the negative
reply offered to them by the Ministry. The latter had
not lost sight of the
case of Korea and sought to establish a kind of
Chinese-Japanese condominium
but these openings were ill received by the Celestial
Empire. On 9 July I893, a
Japanese cruiser brought to Tien-tsin an admiral who
was supposed to agree with
Li Hong-tchang on the common measures to be taken
regarding Korea. The Viceroy
invited his guests to dinner but at the last moment he
claimed to be ill and
wanted to be replaced by Taotai Cheng and Mr. Detring,
Commissioner for
Customs. The Japanese officers considered themselves
insulted; on July 12, the
day fixed for the dinner, they raised anchor and
returned to their country to
announce the failure of their undertaking. Japan
realized once again the
impossibility of reaching agreement with China. One
year later, war broke out. 3. While
Japan
was giving its claims an increasingly imperious form,
China, following a
very skilful line of conduct, did not miss an
opportunity to prove and to
define its suzerainty, and sought to establish by
facts that Korea was not only
its tributary, but its vassal. Indeed, tribute does
not constitute a sufficient
proof of vassal status and the very abuse which the
Chinese have made of the
notion of a tributary people would suffice to prove
it. Because the first
embassies from the Netherlands brought gifts for the
Son of Heaven, it does not
follow that Holland depends on China, as one can read
in many serious writers
of the Far East. If the English allowed Burmese
priests to come every ten years
to present their tributes to the Emperor, that does
not prevent Burma from
remaining a British colony. Moreover, tribute can be
paid simultaneously to two
or more nations. Korea itself has often had to send
representatives to
prostrate themselves in Tokio as well as at Peking.
China understood that the
old Asian concept of tribute no longer had any value
in the international law
of the nineteenth century; it therefore tended to make
of Korea a
semi-sovereign state which, insofar as its actions are
subject to the control of another depends only on this
one power and not on a
third. Li Hong-tchang is the statesman whose efforts
have gradually brought
about this transformation. When Japan signed the Kokwa
Treaty, Li Hongtchang, who
excels in putting into practice the maxim that, to
reign, it is necessary to
divide, no longer opposed Korea being bound by
diplomatic acts with other
nations Moreover, he took part in the negotiations and
took great care that
they should always be subject to his approval. Japan
alone treated directly;
all the others powers have admitted the intermediary
role of China; the United
States did so in 1882, England and Germany in 1883,
Russia in 1884, France in
1886. During the discussion of the American Treaty, Li
Hong-tchang wanted to
insert a clause by which Korea would be recognized as
a vassal of China. His claim
was not admitted; however, at his instigation the King
wrote to the President
of the United States an autograph letter in which he
admitted to being a
tributary of the Celestial Empire. The
European
nations have had some difficulty in gaining a clear
idea of the
nature of the link between Korea and China; the
diversity of their assessments
translates into the very titles of their
representatives in Seoul. England
admits complete dependency and its agent is a
consul-general who depends
directly on the British legation in Peking; at the
other extreme, Japan and the
United States treat the king as an absolute sovereign;
they have therefore appointed,
the first, a resident minister and chargé d'affaires,
the second, a Minister
Plenipotentiary. The other powers have given their
representatives hybrid
situations that prejudge nothing. France has a
consul-government commissioner; Russia
a consul-general-chargé
d’affaires; Germany, a consul who does not depend on
the Peking legation. In
the
case of the Japanese claims which followed the riot of
1882, Li Hong-tchang
felt the need to establish more firmly his authority.
The unrest had been
caused by the ex-regent, the king’s father. Tai Won
Kiun received an invitation
from the officers of a Chinese cruiser. No sooner was
he on board than the ship
raised anchor and headed for China; he was taken to
Pao-ting-fou, the capital
of Tche-li, where he remained interned for three
years. This arbitrary
sequestration did not prevent Li Hong-chang from
resorting to less violent
means at the same time. By a treaty dated October
1882, it was agreed that a
Korean mandarin with the title of commercial agent would
stay
in Tieti-tsin and would be accredited to the
Superintendent of the Northern
Harbors, and that, on the other hand, a Chinese
official would reside at the
court of Seoul. The form given to the arrangement was
clumsy, because to make a
treaty with Korea was to recognize implicitly its
independence. But Li was able
to regain the advantage by the prerogatives which he
conferred on his
representative. Only the Chinese resident had the
right to enter the palace in
a chair, while the other diplomatic agents must
dismount at the entrance. He
has under his orders an armed force whose size is not
limited and which has always
been at least 500 men. In short, he occupies a
situation similar to that of an
English Resident to a Rajah of India. The
following
year, in 1883, another ingenious maneuver permitted
the Chinese to
fortify singularly their position in Korea. Taking
advantage of the country's
financial difficulties, the China
Merchant Steamship Company, whose head is Li
Hong-tchang, lent it 200,000
taels (about one million francs), provided that
reimbursement would be
guaranteed by customs revenue. Under the cover of this
clause, and, as we have
seen above, to the great indignation of the Japanese,
the Inspector General of
Imperial Customs, Sir Robert Hart, attached to his
service all the maritime
trade of the three ports opened since then. The
Korean Customs have
operated by the care and under the authority of China.
M. von Mollendorf, who
was placed at their head, bore at the same ime the
title of foreign adviser to
the king. After
the
troubles of 1884, Li Hong-tchang appears to have had a
moment of weakness
that he must regret at present. He undertook never to
send troops to Seoul
without notifying Japan, which would thereby be
allowed to land an equal number
of soldiers. He also withdrew from M. von Mollendorf
the title of foreign
adviser to the king. These functions were immediately
taken over by an
American, Mr. Denny, who had no interest in favoring
China and who wanted to help
the Koreans enjoy the benefits of independence. On the
other hand, Li Hong-chang
appointed, in 1885, as Resident at the court of Seoul, the
soldier whose presence of mind had, the previous year,
caused the failure of the
Japanese conspiracy, Yuen Chek'ai. From then on, a
constant struggle was
engaged between Mr. Denny and the representative of
China. It
was
Yuen who began the attack. On the 4th of October,
1885, the Tai Won Kiun, tamed
by his forced stay in Pao-ting-fou and completely won
to the Chinese cause, had
returned to Korea. Yuen planned to dethrone the king
and replace him by his son
under the regency of the Tai Won Kiun. The conspiracy
was uncovered when, in
1886, Prince Min Yong-ik, who had suffered so much in
the past from the assassins
in the service of Japan, had been, it was believed,
gained by means of 3,000
taels; but, the money once paid, he
immediately went and reported everything
to the king. Then, knowing by experience how little
price human life has in
Korea, he ran to implore the assistance of the Russian
consul, Mr. Wæber, who sent
him off to Hong Kong. There he lives in retirement;
the scars of his seven saber
blows and the bitterness of exile must often remind
him of the disadvantages of
the profession of conspirator. The danger which the
king had incurred
diminished the sympathies which he might have for
China. Now only listening to the
inspirations of his American director of conscience,
he attempted to have
Korea’s independence recognized by the foreign nations
by sending them
diplomatic representatives. Pak Tyêng-yong was
appointed minister to the United
States and Tchouo Tch'en-he had the same pompous title
for England, Germany,
Russia, Italy and France. The former reached America
at the end of 1887. As for
the second, he never got beyond Hong Kong. As
soon
as he learned of the initiative taken by the king, Li
Hong-tchang intervened
and to mark the vassalage of Korea, after the most
bizarre correspondence, managed
to make it
accept the following conditions: (1) the Korean envoy,
upon arrival in a
foreign capital, will immediately contact the Chinese
Minister and will be
introduced by him to the Minister for External
Relations; (2) in public
ceremonies, the Chinese envoy will take precedence
over the Korean; (3) the
Korean envoy will always discuss important matters
with the Chinese Minister
and be guided by his opinions. The Convention being
well and duly ratified, the
first care of Pak Tyêngyong, when he was settled in
Washington, was to visit
the Minister for Foreign Affairs without saying a word
to his Chinese
colleague. The Government of the United States,
despite all its good will,
could hardly take this strange diplomat seriously. Pak
Tyeng-yong returned in
1889 to his country without having increased its
dignity in any way. The Korean
embassies were a lamentable failure. Mr. Denny's
credit succumbed to it; on 15
April 1890, his contract expired, he left Seoul and
with his departure faded forever
the chimerical dream of the independence of Korea. Resident
Yuen
regained all his authority and soon found a new
opportunity to affirm it.
At the beginning of June 1890, the old queen, Tchouo
Tai-pi, died at
eighty-one. To convey to the King the condolences of
the Emperor, Li Hong-chang
demanded that they should follow a ceremonial
governed by the rites concerning
tributary peoples. In the first week of November, two
high-ranking mandarins,
Tchang Lo and Hiu Tchang, left Tien-tsin and went to
Seoul. The king came meet
them, humbly prostrated himself before the Imperial
Missive and treated the two
envoys as representatives of a suzerain power. Korea's
dependency could not be
established in a more striking or formal manner. From
this moment, Chinese
influence has only increased. The Japanese may deny
its legitimacy, it will be
difficult for them to ignore the precedents that Li
Hong-tchang has acquired in
recent years. 4. In
the
Korean imbroglio, the nation that plays the most
self-effacing role is
Korea itself. Its king, weak and fearful, undergoes by
turns every influence.
The powerful are divided into two parties, that of the
Min or party of the Queen and that
of the Ni or party of the Tai Won Kiun. To tear each
other to pieces, they are ready
to co-operate with the foreign power that will lend
them its support in the
game of infinitely complicated conspiracies in which
they engage. There is no sign
of national feeling. Korean society, from top to
bottom, is rotten. The nobles
or niangpan
alone can hold public office
and to obtain it they buy it; once they have obtained
it, they exert the worst
exactions. The ordinary people, who know that caste
prejudice will always prevent
them from escaping from their miserable condition, do
nothing to improve their
lot. Much more, as they have learned from experience
that all they can earn will
be taken by the nobles, they do not even try to make
their fortune. They work
only within the strict limits of what is necessary;
there is not a single great
merchant in Seoul; shops themselves are unknown. Korea
is dying for lack of
capital. The King, nobles, craftsmen and laborers, all
are plunged into
irremediable poverty. Korea alone may derive some
advantage from the war which
has just broken out. Having nothing to lose, it has
everything to gain; no
matter what condition is imposed on it in the future,
it could not be worse than
that in which it now vegetates. As
for
the belligerents, it is unfortunately too late to
introduce them to the
finer points of our literature and tell them the story
of the oyster and the
two litigants. Experience may perhaps reveal to them
its lesson. ED.
CHAVANNES.
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